Law of Electronic Commerce and the Internet Essay - 1

Law of Electronic Commerce and the Internet - Essay Example The taxation, customs, trade practices, industrial law, bankruptcy, immigration, administration law, patents, copyright, environment law, sexual and racial discrimination, access to information will be dealt by Federal court of Australia. Federal court will hear the class actions that involve seven or more people who have claims against the one defendant. The family court will deal with family laws. It deals with divorce, division of property and maintenance, child related matters, determining parenting orders and plans. The court to appeal on the decision of family court is high court. The magistrates court of the federal legal system deals with providing the action for litigants and eases the work load of the federal and family court. Thus it works as a complex lessening part in the federal judicial system as the jurisdiction is concurrent with family and federal court. 1 The state legal system's first stage is the magistrate court. The state coroner's office, victims of crimes assistance tribunal, work related injuries and perin courts are part of this system. The majority of the criminal and civil matters that proceed to court will be dealt by magistrate court. The offences of less serious in nature will be dealt by this court system. It is having civil jurisdiction and is the immediate court that can be approached in any case. The next stage in the state legal system is the county court of Victoria. It has both criminal and civil jurisdiction in concurrent with Supreme Court. The person who is not in agreement with the magistrate's court can appeal to county court and the appeal court for this is supreme court of the state. The supreme court of any state will have trial and appeals division that deals with the differentiation of the disputes and appeals. The appeal court for this part of the court system in the state legal system is high court of the country. The high court is the top of the legal hierarchy in Australia. As a result it has both criminal and civil jurisdiction and is the ultimate court to appeal. It can resolve the interstate disputes and thus the federal system prevails over the state legal system. References 1. law institute Victoria, 2007, Australia legal system, Law Institute Victoria, ,electronic, 3-9-07, http://www.liv.asn.au/public/legalinfo/court/ 2. Law institute Victoria, 2007, Australia legal system, law institute Victoria, ,electronic, 3-9-07, http://www.liv.asn.au/public/legalinfo/court/court-The-2.html Question 2 Jurisdiction is the power of the court or the right of the administration that can apply their laws on a particular context or issue. In the absence of internet and e commerce, the Jurisdiction used to depend on the geographical context of the occurrence of the incident. The advent of internet is making the concept of jurisdiction more complex and the administrations are compelled to make new laws regarding jurisdiction in the issues involving internet. In relation to internet there are contexts that raised the question of the authority of the courts in various places. As the electronic communication involves the border crossing the internet is borderless. This needs a definition of jurisdiction of its own without relating to the previous understanding of jurisdiction. The law used to deal with the physical movement or presence that

Macbeth - How Shakespeare presents the characters in Act 3 Scene 1 Essay Example for Free

Macbeth How Shakespeare presents the characters in Act 3 Scene 1 Essay How do their words thoughts and actions make the scene such a dramatic and important scene in the play? In the majority of Shakespeares compositions, Act 3 usually consists, in terms of context, the most important scenes in the play. Macbeth is no different; Act 3 and in particular Act 3 Scene 1 is the point in the play where events are rapidly building to a dramatic and tragic climax. In the previous scenes the audience witnessed the violent assassination of the much loved King Duncan by Macbeth followed by the (said / mentioned) murderers inevitable election as king. In a historical context, the general public at the time of the productions release would have understood the significance and seriousness of Macbeths actions more so than modern day audiences. Regicide was not only seen as an evil act against king and country but also against God. The Divine Right of Kings was widely believed; which stated every monarch is selected by God and has sole right to the throne (usurper). More notably, genuine threats such as the Gunpowder Plot against the ruler at the time, King James I, made the murder of King Duncan not only more believable but something audiences could actually relate to. Act 3 Scene 1 commences with a condemning soliloquy by Banquo. He shares with the audience his strong accusations regarding the manner in which Macbeth has become King Speaking dangerously of deceit and treason, Thou playedst most foully fort, Shakespeare cleverly aligns Banquo with the audience and in doing so emphasizes the shocking nature of King Duncans murder. In the soliloquy there is also a reference to the witches predictions for Banquos descendants, myself should be the root and father of many kings. This line would have been of great interest to King James I as it suggests he is a descendant of Banquo. Some critics argue that Shakespeare wrote Macbeth to flatter the new king. The direct relation between Banquo and King James is hinted a few times during the play. Add this to the fact Shakespeare altered Holinsheds version of events that were written years earlier then you could be mistaken for agreeing with the critics. Shakespeare made Macbeth solely responsible for Duncans murder when actually Banquo was an accomplice to the murder. Proud to be in their new role, Macbeth and Lady Macbeth greet Banquo very majestically, heres our chief guest. Shrewdly, they attempt to make Banquo feel important and well appreciated, If he had been forgotten, it had been a big gap in our great feast. However this was all a big act, as the audience was about to find out. I imagine in this part of the scene Lady Macbeths introduction would have been very grand and regal as if she loved her new role. After all, she had finally achieved what she and her husband had always dreamt of, My dearest partner of greatness. Shakespeare makes it clear that Macbeth is now king by altering slightly the way in which Macbeth behaves and addresses others. He exposes a kinder, more inviting aspect to his personality by hosting a feast, Tonight we hold a great feast and Ill request your presence. The verb request is significant because it implies the invitational is optional, however I dont believe anyone would turn down an offer from the King as there may be serious consequences. Macbeth continues to take great interest in Macbeths proposed journey which causes the audience to suspect that Banquo might be in danger. Arguably for the very first time in the play, we witness the devious and crafty personality of Macbeth. Shakespeare uses a combination of irony and flattery in his writing to hide the fact Macbeth is actually intensively interrogating Banquo, fail not our feast and Ride you this afternoon are two examples of this. The quote fail not our feast is ironic because the audience have been discretely made aware that Macbeth intends to have Banquo murdered whilst he is out riding and will therefore not return for the feast. After dismissing Banquo, Macbeth makes a rather bold and surprising decision to do the same with his wife, Till supper time alone, while then God be with you. I believe this to be the point in the play where the tide turns. Up until now, it has been Macbeth who has relied heavily on his wife. He consulted everything with her. However, now that he finally has the crown upon his head, I think he feels that she has nothing left to offer. Personally this is pure ignorance on Macbeths part and sense this might be a catalyst for his downfall -Macbeths hamartia. A hamartia is basically an error in judgement, a cause of a tragic heros (in this case Macbeth) misfortune. Lady Macbeth aids his downfall, as she has pushed him to become so ambitious and arrogant that he feels he will be more successful without her. However, Macbeth has other hamartias which are explored further on. If I was directing this scene, I would strive to get the key point across. Macbeth and Lady Macbeth have just been crowned king and Queen of their beloved nation. The honeymoon period has just begun and they both absolutely adore their new roles, Thou hast it now King, Cawdor, Glamis, all. Therefore, I would endeavour to make sure this comes across to the audience by ensuring the actors were dressed accordingly; royal robes and jewellery etc. Also, the actors should portray a relieved and joyful persona to illustrate the fact that Macbeth and his wifes efforts have finally been rewarded. During Macbeths soliloquy in Act 3 Scene 1, Shakespeare reveals the characters true colours. Macbeth explains that despite Banquo being his best friend, he understands that Banquo must be murdered in order for him to remain in power; to be thus is nothing, but to be safely thus. This extract would confirm the audiences earlier thoughts and feelings about Macbeths intentions with Banquo. It also proves that the compassion and sincerity he showed towards Banquo in their last conversation was just an act. Shakespeare compares Macbeths feelings about Banquo to an actual event in the past, as it is said Mark Antonys was by Caesar. Macbeth acknowledges Banquos integrity but cannot help feeling that perhaps he is the Achilles heel to making him last upon the throne. Just as in Ancient Rome, Mark Antony was said to be in fear of Octavius Caesar. Throughout the soliloquy you get the sense that Macbeth has constant mood swings. His feelings vary rapidly, from fear of Banquo at the beginning; our fears in Banquo stick deep. to pure hatred of Banquo at the end, No son of mine succeeding, for Banquos issue have I filed my mind. His change in character is particularly noticeable when compared to Act 2 Scene 1. During this soliloquy, Macbeth has little conviction when contemplating the murder of Duncan whereas now he speaks confidently with passion and conviction. Which is startling seen as he is about to have his closest companion murdered. As the murderers appear on stage, the audience are immediately made aware that Macbeth has already spoken with them Was it not yesterday we spoke together. This extract implies that Macbeth had been planning to kill Banquo for a while. This is arguably the first time we see a ruthless side of Macbeth. It proves to the audience that this murder is not just a spur of the moment thing. Shakespeare includes a range of techniques when Macbeth is trying to persuade the henchmen to murder Banquo. Firstly, Macbeth tries to justify the murder by using reverse psychology on the two men, Know that it is he who held you so under fortune. Here; Macbeth is obviously testing the murderers character and resolve. He needs to know how willing they are, luckily for Macbeth they are prepared to do anything in the needs of king and country, I would set my life on any chance. Secondly, Macbeth questions their courage, to which the murderers respond assertively We are men. One thing I cannot comprehend is why Macbeth is even bothering to persuade them. Surely Macbeth has the right to order anyone about never mind two members of the lower class society. After all he is the King. However, I think this represents a key aspect of Macbeths personality. I think persuading the murderers is his way of persuading him he is doing the right thing. By persuading them, he is at the same time convincing himself that the deed is righteous. This would suggest that Macbeth is not pure evil but instead someone who loves power and is prepared to do anything to remain powerful. Macbeth changes dramatically as a character throughout the play. Initially, Macbeth was tortured with remorse after Duncans murder but upon hearing of Banquos successful assassination he is elated. His vaulting aspiration was driving him to desperate measures and he was unable to impede it. Macbeth had already risked his life to obtain the throne so he had no choice but to employ Machiavellian customs to preserve it. Macbeths vision of Banquo ghost at a royal banquet only steers him closer to insanity. The appearance of Banquos ghost at the royal banquet horrifies Macbeth. Shakespeare brilliantly uses irony to make Banquos emergence very dramatic, Sweet Remembrancer! Upon hearing the witches prophecies, Macbeth is unleashed down a spiral of swift deterioration that causes him to become blinded by desire. It is clear that Macbeths objective was driven by the prophecies made by the three witches; hail to thee Thane of Cawdor that shalt be king hereafter. He was willing to do or pay anything to ensure that they actually occur. At first Macbeth is appalled at the witches proposal of killing Duncan, his King and fellow countryman, but eventually he surrenders to both Lady Macbeth and the evil forces. Lady Macbeth and the witches overwhelm his morals setting off a catalogue of events resulting in Macbeths downfall and second hamartia. The presence of supernatural forces in Shakespeares Macbeth, provides much of the plays dramatic tension and mounting suspense. Several supernatural hallucinations throughout the play profoundly affect Macbeth; culminating with the evil forces overpowering Macbeth and his morals. For example, the prophecies of the three witches and the appearance of Banquos ghost. These two points in the play would have been very significant for the audience at the time. Witches were associated with using uncompromising potions, flying, becoming invisible at will and using disguises for the evil spirits in control of them. In Shakespeares time, a large proportion of people believed in witches. Hundreds of thousands of women were accused of employing the mentioned familiars to cause misfortunes and disasters. As a result, many were either executed or tortured. Even King James I was personally frightened of witches, passing a law that condemned anyone connected with witchcraft. In hindsight, it is now clear that witches were just innocent people used as scapegoats for mistakes made by others. Macbeth is a prime example of Shakespeares use of the tragic pattern. The play begins with the rise and fall of a man of high estate. This is followed by a flaw in character, Duncans trust in Macbeth for example, a gentleman on whom I built absolute trust. Then murder, exile and alienation of enemies and allies; King Duncans Murder, the Princes flee, murder of Banquo and dismissal of Lady Macbeth. All leading to the gradual isolation of the tragic hero, tragic recognition of the flaw by the tragic hero; and now a wood comes toward Dunsinane and eventually the death of the tragic hero. Macbeth is slain by Macduff. Tragic patterns similar to this one are used in every one of Shakespeares renowned tragedies.

Singlish And Its Discourse Particles English Language Essay

Singlish And Its Discourse Particles English Language Essay Singapore Colloquial English or more fondly known as Singlish contains a number of pragmatic particles that have come under much scrutiny and discussion over the years. These particles have received much attention, and become a distinctive representation of Singlish. Many studies have been done over the years on the use and functions of these particles (Platt 1987; Platt and Ho 1989; Wong, 2004; Gupta, 2006; Lim 2007, 2011). Much work and research have been done on the classification, history, origins and reasons for the emergence of these particles in the use of Singlish (Lim 2007, Gupta 1992). Gupta (1992) proposed a scale of assertiveness of which eleven SCE particles could be placed on in terms of different degrees of assertiveness. Wee (2002) however, took a different stance, and sought to highlight and substantiate the development and possible evolution of Singlish particles in his analysis of the particle lor using the grammaticalisation framework developed by Traugott (1982, 1988, 1989). Platt (1987: 392) gave a more simplified explanation on the function of these pragmatic particles, and claimed that in a sentence, these pragmatic particles convey additional meaning over and above that expressed by the rest of the utterance. This meant t hat a particle holds by itself independent meaning, and when different particles are attached to an utterance, it would produce different meanings. Lee (2007: 2) illustrated this point by using the following example (1): (1) a. I want to drink mah. b. I want to drink lah. c. I want to drink leh. d. I want to drink lor. e. I want to drink hor. f. I want to drink a. In this example, the head clause of I want to drink does not change. According to Lee (2007: 2), the clause-final particles are syntactically and semantically optional, as their omission affects neither the grammaticality nor the basic meaning of the matrix clause. Therefore in SCE, each clause would possess a different meaning and communicative function by virtue of the clause-final particle attached to it. For example in 1(a), mah performs what Gupta (1992: 43) calls a contradictory function. By adding mah, the clause would suggest that it is a contradictory response to a prior utterance, by presenting what is being said as an absolute and obvious fact. In contrast, while lor in 1(d) can perform a similar function to mah of presenting what is being said as an obvious fact, it generates and encompasses other different meanings. According to Guptas (1992: 43) definition again, the central function of the more mildly assertive lo is to mark a directive or to create a suggestion. In my opinion, the point that Gupta makes about a particle having a central function is not necessarily accurate, as a particles usage is based on users preferences and choices, and not based entirely on the effectiveness of a particle in an utterance as suggested by Gupta in her allocating of a primary serving function to the particles. Going back to the main point, 1(d) can now mean that the speaker is suggesti ng an activity (to drink), probably in response to a question such as What do you want to do there?. Thus, it is clearly evident that these particles can change the entire meaning of an utterance. 1.2 Tone in SCE Pragmatic Particles However, the interesting thing about these pragmatic particles is that they, individually, possess many tonal variants. Guptas suggestion that the particles have a central function also reflects the evidence that these particles have multiple meanings and functions. Taking the much studied particle lah for example, Loke and Low (1988) identified a total of nine tonal variants of lah, classifying them into three major groups termed high, mid or low. However there is a general lack of agreement in terms of recognising the tonal quality of particles. There have been studies that suggest the alternative view is true (Detarding, 1994), and that a particle, especially when sentence final, functions as the carrier of the intonation contour of the utterance (Gupta, 1992). This disagreement meant the number of different particles lah remain a mystery (Wong, 2004: 760). However, what is clear from this is that it is very possible for a particle to have at least two different meanings and funct ions which some have argued, is differentiated by tone. Focus has tended to be placed more on Singlish particles as a group, rather than dissecting their various meanings and grammaticality individually. While there is now growing attention and research done in analysing individual Singlish particles (Wee, 2002, 2003; Wong, 2005; Lee, 2007), data and analysis are still lacking in terms of quantity. In this paper I will focus on the particle leh, which is sometimes also written as lei. However, while I am of the view that pragmatic particles in SCE do possess tonal variants, I would like to challenge the notion that the different meanings and functions leh can be categorised into just tonal variants (Lee, 2007), and I argue that there are actually two different particles in leh, which possess tonal variants of their own. This is a significant distinction because these two particles of leh, can be produced with the same tone, yet their meanings differ. I also seek to add on and complement previous research in this area of study. 2. Neglected variant of leh 2.1 Unpopular leh? Leh is seemingly a less frequently used particle, and Wong (2004) suggests that less popular particles such as leh as compared to particles such as lah could be less popular due to it lacking certain components that allow users to express their cultural norms of interaction in everyday speech (2004: 764). In fact, an analysis of the ICE-SIN corpus (containing about 600,000 words) showed leh to be the third least commonly used particle out of 10 particles selected (Ler, 2005). The particles seemingly low occurrence in Singlish utterances and conversations could also be one of the reasons for a lack of attention and research in this area. 2.2 /lɆº/ and /le/ It is notable, and also the central point of focus in this paper, that leh exists in more than one form. By form, it is meant that leh possesses a different version of itself which differs in not just tone, but pronunciation, and also in meaning. When the particle leh is mentioned, the typical representation of it is that of /le/. In this paper, I seek to bring added attention to its heteronym, /lɆº/. It must also be added that within the two separate versions of leh, different meanings and forms of usage can be derived as well, depending on context. Studies in the past have typically mentioned or focused simply on the /le/ version of leh, failing to distinguish the difference between the two versions (Gupta 1992, 1994; Lim, 2004, 2007). Even when the difference in function and meaning is noticed and investigated, a distinction between them fails to be made (Lee, 2007), thus hampering further analysis of /lɆº/ as a separate particle. I contest that previous assumptions are incorrect, and will seek to show the marked distinction in the usage of /le/ and /lɆº/ in this paper. I believe one of the main contributing factors for the lack of distinction of these two different particles, is due to them having an entirely similar Romanised form of leh. I have mentioned earlier that these two particles function as heteronyms. Due to the fact that they have identical Romanised forms, and tone is often not encapsulated in a Romanised script, it breeds a sense of the two particles being the same. While they do share certain traits in terms of meaning, I would like to prove in this study that the range of their meanings would point to them being separate, independent particles. It is also worth noting that the fact that little attention has been paid to the /lɆº/ form of leh could possibly be attributed to it being a somewhat recent development. As mentioned by Lim (2011: 13), Singlish is capable of displaying a continuum of possibilities in prosodic phonology, of more mesolectal and more basilectal features, and Singlish may in fact be viewed as changing, in the more Sinitic-dominant ecology of the recent era, to display more Sinitic features. It is thus worth hypothesising that change had possibly occurred to the particle itself, in the process changing its pronunciation and range of attitudes conveyed. This however, will not be the main focus of the paper. 3. Previous Studies 3.1 Gupta (1992), and Lees (2007) arguments against Gupta (1992) Gupta (1992) analysed a total of 11 different particles in Singlish, and categorised them on a scale of assertiveness. Guptas claim is that these particles can be marked as belonging to three main categories of contradictory, assertive and tentative. According to her, contradictory particles are used in cases where there is an explicit contradiction to something that had been previously said. In her terms, these particles are maximally assertive. Next down the scale is the assertive group, this group consists of particles which express speakers positive commitment (Gupta, 1992: 37) to a particular utterance. Finally, there is the minimally assertive tentative group. Particles in this group present a less positive commitment as compared to the assertive group. Guptas attempt to categorise these particles on a scale of assertiveness have met with some contention and disagreement (Wee, 2002; Wong, 2004). In particular her choice of labelling Singlish particles as being assertive in nature has been challenged, and Wong (2004) suggests that this classification displays an ethnocentric view in that Gupta is taking an Anglo cultural perspective (Wong, 2004: 752). Moreover, I will not be dealing with the contention surrounding Guptas scale of assertiveness in this paper. Gupta (1992) also included a non-pragmatic classification of leh (appears as lei in Guptas paper), which she lists as being used in x-interrogatives which do not have a wh-word, and recaptures a contextually understood antecedent x (Gupta, 1992: 36). This version of leh in question is classified as a high-level tone leh (Platt 1987; Platt and Ho, 1989), and Gupta claims in this way, leh can be translated as What about? when used as a question particle. This is a view first mentioned by Platt (1987), but is not an accurate analysis of the particle. As mentioned by Lee (2007), this translation cannot adequately capture the meaning of every occurrence of leh. As with many other pragmatic particles in SCE, contextual factors play a huge role in the interpretation of the meaning of the particle. While leh can carry the meaning of What about?, it is by no means restricted to such a definition. Lee (2007) takes issue with this particular definition of the question particle leh, and tried to explain how What about? cannot be used in certain contexts with question particle leh. I list out two examples he used to illustrate his point: Lee (2007) (2) A: Everyones here. Lets go. B: Wait. Siew Lian leh? (3) A: Alan will wipe the tables, and John will sweep the floor. B: Then Siew Lian leh? Lee (2007) claims that in (2), the utterance with leh should be Wait. Where is Siew Lian?, and in (3) it would then take the suggested translation of What about?. He goes on to say that this is proof of how high-level tone leh does not necessarily carry the meaning of What about?. What he is trying to explain is that how an utterance is shaped with the use of leh will be shaped by the context of which it is used in. I agree with this view, however, I disagree with how he illustrates his point. This is because in trying to argue for the flexibility of high-level tone leh, he has neglected to acknowledge a similar flexibility in terms of meaning for What about? as well. For example in (2), Wait. What about Siew Lian? can still be construed and understood as a question asking for the whereabouts of Siew Lian. It does not necessarily have to be framed as an explicit question demanding for the whereabouts or location of Siew Lian in Where is Siew Lian. The converse is true for (3), and we can flip Lees (2007) claim against himself by showing that what about Siew Lian could also be translated explicitly as Then what would Siew Lians duties be?. Thus, similar to high-level tone leh as a question particle, What about? is also dependent on context. This can be further illustrated in the following: (4) A: We will all be going to the party at 10. B: What about Tim? Bs utterance can be understood as asking whether Tim would be going to the party as well. However, supposing Tim has fallen very sick and needs someone to be by his bedside. Both A and B know it would be near impossible for Tim to go to the party, and the most immediate concern would be having someone look after Tim. In this case, Bs utterance would be taken to be asking Then whos going to take care of Tim?. Thus, we can see that What about? functions similarly with high-level tone leh in that they depend upon contextual factors for a correct interpretation. As such, Lees (2007) usage of a narrow definition of What about? as an argument is not conclusive evidence for the incorrectness of this definition for high-level tone leh. However, this is where the similarities between them end. Using the following example: (5) A: If Sam comes tonight, we can finish. B: Then he dont come leh? In (5), What about? cannot be used anymore. In such a scenario, What if would be more appropriate, as in What if he doesnt come?. What if and what about have markedly different meanings, and while we will not delve deep into their range of meanings and functions, it can be agreed that they do not carry the same meaning. As we can see then, high-level tone leh can be used more than as What about?. As such, it is incorrect as suggested by Platt (1987) and Platt and Ho (1989) to translate high-level tone leh as simply What about?. While leh in this form can possess such a meaning, it does not necessarily always translate to such a definition. Gupta (1992) also included the maximally assertive leh, and claims that both declaratives and imperatives with leh frequently, but not always, function as directives (1992: 42). She also manages to recognise and identify the /lɆº/ form of leh when she used the following data: (6) [YG finds passing-out parade picture] YG: Soldier is like that one leh? [high rise] AG: Yes She stated that in (6), it meant the statement with leh was made with an expression of surprise. In her words in such a case, the speaker makes an observation, of which there is no doubt, but which is unexpected (Gupta, 1992: 42). This is different from leh the question particle, and leh the assertive particle which she identifies in her paper. Despite identifying this, she fails to distinguish the difference between /lɆº/ and /le/, and treats it as a deviation of the meaning of leh as a result of context, rather than see it as a separate particle. Lee (2007: 6) brings up another point of contention when he suggests this example is a case of misguided induction, caused by the inadvertent use of an isolated example. He goes on to say this is most likely a performance error, whereby the particle is being misused, and claims this is typically unacceptable to a native SCE speaker. First of all, it is not clear as to which pronunciation of leh Gupta is referring to in her excerpt. If the version of leh used is /le/, then indeed the particle does seem out of place in the utterance. In this case, I would agree with Lee that there is a performance error. However, supposing the /lɆº/ version is the one used by the speaker, there would be nothing wrong at all, and it is definitely acceptable. As I will show further in the study, there are examples of native SCE speakers reproducing this leh in other instances. Lee (2007: 6) also continues and suggests the use of the particle meh instead in place of leh as being more appropriate. This is highly incorrect, as this would give the utterance an entirely different meaning. Since this study does not concern the study of meh, I will not dwell on this issue. Moreover, this confusion highlights one of the problems of not distinguishing clearly the two different particles of leh /lɆº/ and /le/. The fact that one of the variants of leh would be out of place in a utterance that would be appropriate with the other, further supports the argument that these two should be treated as two different, separate particles. 3.2 Wee (2004) Wee (2004) in his paper included a different function of leh. He suggests that leh marks an assertion or request as being tentative, and therefore working as a pragmatic softener (2004: 122). In his analysis, Wee (2004) used an excerpt from the GSSEC to display such a softening function: (7) A: Actually†¦ come to think about it actually, er, this movie speaks very badly about men leh. According to Wee (2004), leh softens the opinion that A makes, and signifies that it is a weak opinion, therefore explaining the speakers hesitance and sheepishness in making the statement. However, it is not clear what version of leh the speaker used. In fact, both /lɆº/ and /le/ can be used in such in instance without affecting Wees interpretation. Despite this, I argue that /lɆº/ and /le/ exhibit different states of minds and attitudes of the speaker, and as such cannot be used interchangeably. Both versions exhibit a softening function, however to different degrees. When /lɆº/ is used, it suggests more assertion rather than softening, and the opinion is more forceful than when /le/ is used. For this reason, it is assumed that the /le/ version is the one Wee (2004) is referring to. Wee (2004:122) also used the following: (8) (A and B are talking about a movie) A: But so few people lah, maybe because it has been running for quite some time lah. B: Actually two weeks only leh. Wee again uses this as an example of leh acting as a softener. Once again, it is not clear which leh is used. In this example, if /lɆº/ is used, the assertion of it being two weeks only is much more forceful than that of /le/. It further goes to show how these two particles should be defined properly. I will address the issue of leh being used as a softener later in this paper. 3.3 Lee (2007) Lee (2007) identifies three tonal variants of leh in his paper, and suggests that each particle has its own pragmatic function realised in specific speech contexts. He claims they can be realised in tone 1, tone3 and tone 4 of Mandarin Chinese respectively. In addition to identifying the more commonly known /le/ as leh1, Lee (2007) also correctly identifies /lɆº/ in his paper. He found two tonal variants of it leh3 and leh4. However he too, makes no mention of the differentiation in pronunciation. For the sake of discussion, we will assume that he has made the correct distinction between /lɆº/ and /le/. In marking the variants of /lɆº/, Lee (2007) categorises leh3 as being a marker of intent and leh4 as a marker of assertion. One of the functions Lee (2007) has accorded the use of leh3 is that of reporting a new state of affairs which is assumed to be beyond the addressees knowledge. However, as I will show later in the presentation of data, that this is not necessarily true. Even with speakers knowing that each other has knowledge of a particular piece of information, the particle can be used. Lee (2007) also does not fully expand the section on the usage of the leh4 variant that he calls marker of assertion. He suggests only a subtle distinction between the third of fourth tones of the particle (2007: 15). This is not true, and as data will show, leh4 can capture and reflect different meanings and attitudes of the speaker, including the suggestion of exaggerated emphasis or sarcasm. This as a result would mean more than just a subtle distinction between the two particles. 4. The different forms of leh The data used and presented in this paper have been taken from conversational interactions between Singaporeans using SCE. Because of the naturally occurring circumstances of which these data have been obtained, they are authentic instances of the use of SCE (and thus the use of the leh particles). These data would be analysed and they form the basis of presenting the different forms of leh in this paper. In Lees (2007) study, he separated leh into three different tonal variants, where within one tonal variant the particle could take on different meanings. I would take a similar approach, however I make a marked distinction between the /le/ and /lɆº/ forms of leh. The analysis would be separated into two major parts, with the first part being the more commonly known /le/ version of leh, and the second detailing the /lɆº/ of leh which I will represent with lea. 4.1 /le/ leh The /le/ leh consists of a number of variants, and I will attempt to separate them into their particular functions. 4.1.1 Leh as a Softener realised as tone 1 in Mandarin Chinese As has been categorised by Lee (2007: 7), this leh occurs in the second part of an adjacency pair, whereby the speaker is unable or unwilling to provide a preferred response with respect to a proposition introduced by the addressee in the first part of discourse. Lee calls this the dispreferred second (2007: 7). According to Yule (1996: 79), the preferred is the structurally expected next act and the dispreferred is the structurally unexpected next act. Therefore, disagreements and refusals are next acts which are unexpected. Yule (1996) has found that in English, hesitation and prefaces are used to make a response (as a dispreferred second) less challenging to the first, thereby softening an unexpected next act. In SCE, leh performs a similar function. Thus as mentioned, this leh is used by a speaker in response to something said prior that the speaker does not agree with. This does not necessarily have to be an opinion of which one can blatantly state an agreement or disagreement with, but also requests or false statements. The leh is tagged to the dispreferred second of an utterance, and thus performs a function of softening the blow of an unexpected next act. (9) A: Eh, later after this we go get something to eat. B: Later? I got something on leh. In (9), A is suggesting to B that they go for a meal after their current activity. However, B is unable to make it. In this instance, B is offering a refusal to As invitation. He does not refuse the invitation outright. Rather, he answers the question indirectly by stating that he has something on, which naturally would be taken to mean that he wouldnt be free for As meal invitation. This indirect refusal could be taken to be a way of making the refusal less challenging. Even so, leh is still used to further soften the refusal. Leh is able to perform this softening function because the usage of leh suggests an attitude of a willingness to compromise, or to negotiate a position whether it is an intention the speaker is trying to convey or not. For instance in (9), because the use of leh softens the unexpected next act of refusal, we see the following exchange: (10) A: Eh, later after this we go get something to eat. B: Later? I got something on leh. A: Huh? What thing? Eat lah! B: Cannot lah. The use of leh by B suggests a position of the possibility of negotiation rather than closing the door on any possibility of accepting the invitation with an outright rejection, which explains why A continued by attempting to change Bs mind and getting him to accept the invitation. B clearly did not have the intention to negotiate because he promptly put an end to As attempts to persuade by refusing the invitation outright in his second utterance. Thus, leh performs a softening function in suggesting a position of compromise and willingness to negotiate, therefore making a refusal or rejection less challenging. (11) (A and B are discussing the price of a new phone. A thinks the price is expensive, while B thinks it is a reasonable price) A: Cheap? Then you buy me one lor. B: Please leh, cheap also need money. Buy for you I might as well buy more for myself.

The Scarlet Pimpernel :: Free Essay Writer

The Scarlet Pimpernel In 1792, during the French Revolution, a figure named the Scarlet Pimpernel saved many aristocrats from the French. Using daring plots and disguises he escaped from the French and his archenemy, Chauvlin. The richest man in England, Sir Percy Blakenley was married to the most beautiful woman in France, LadyMarguerite Blankenley. Sir Percy was an important character in The Scarlet Pimpernel. The story took place in both England and France. It started in Paris, France at the scene of the guillotine. Some of the story took place at The Fisherman's Rest in Dover, England. Otherparts of the story took place at Sir Percy's house in Richmond, England, The Chat Gris in Calais, France, Lord Greenville's Ball and The Covent Garden Theatre in England. The theme of the story was love and courage. It showed how much Sir Percy cared about and loved Marguerite. Marguerite once loved him, but now took him for granted and thought of him as a fop. It also limned how brave Sir Percy, The Scarlet Pimpernel, was in risking his life for the lives of the aristocrats. The Scarlet Pimpernel and a small band of devoted followers had dedicated their lives and fortunes to saving the innocent aristocrats of the French Revolution and the horror of the guillotine. They risked their lives on numerous occasions and rescued many French noblesse bringing them to the safety and security of England. Sir Percy Blakenley, one of the wealthiest men in England, was married to Lady Marguerite St. Just who was thought to be themost beautiful and smartest woman in Europe. She was perceived asa traitor to the French cause for having betrayed the Marquis de St. Cyr and his whole family to the bloody guillotine. This she was duped into doing because of her brother, Armond, who was almost killed by them for having dared to love the daughter of anaristocrat. Therefore Sir P ercy showed no love toward Marguerite and acted the part of a fool. She thought Sir Percy to be a vain,pompous dandy and could not conceive how she ever married him. Inspite of this she still had feelings of love for him. Sir Percy loved her deeply, though he also hated and detested her for what she did. He was emotionally torn between love and hate though he would have given or done anything for her, save revealing his true identity as The Scarlet Pimpernel.

Cra and Financial Crisis

Table of Content Introduction2 Real-life examples2 Empirical cycle2 Other concepts of Babbie, Gravetter and Forzano applied2 Conclusion2 References2 Introduction The burst of the United States housing market bubble initiated the worldwide financial crisis. Amongst all housing regulations, the community reinvestment act (CRA) may be the most significant. The act passed in 1977 to improve low-income households’ housing opportunities. As such, the act raised the incentives for banks to provide mortgages to low-income households (FFIEC, n. d. ). Over time, several political administrations, like the George H.W. Bush-, Clinton- and George W. Bush-administration, changed the original act, adapting to new challenges in the housing market (Braunstein, 2008). However, as time passed, the act became less important for banks, as the products, mortgages, became more profitable. As a result, more and more financial institutions started offering mortgages to low-income classes. These so cal led subprime mortgages are often associated with high risks (Aalbers, 2009). This point of view can be concluded with the hypothesis that the CRA will be seen as a cause of the financial crisis.Firstly, the different opinions and their respective arguments with regard to the hypothesis are illustrated. Secondly, an explanation is given on how these examples fit in the empirical cycle. Thirdly, three other concepts of Babbie, Gravetter and Forzano are applied to the examples. Finally, a conclusion is drawn with respect to the examples. Real-life examples As a result of the CRA, banks were rated, based on the number of loans given out to low-income households. A bad rating could have had severe consequences for a bank.The fact that the FED did not allow a Hartford, Connecticut bank to acquire a New Hampshire bank on CRA grounds demonstrates this. In order to keep their CRA ratings high, banks had to provide low-income classes with loans. In essence it can be said that the CRA ratings raised the banks’ incentives to provide low-income households with loans (Carney, 2009a). It can clearly be seen that the enforcement of the CRA over time led to a relaxation of lending standards and consequentially to more risk-taking in the banking sector in the form of mortgages. These high-risk mortgages are now seen as part of the problem.Thus, Carney (2009b) concludes, the CRA is part of the cause of the financial crisis. Carney agrees with the hypothesis. Defendants of the CRA simply claim that an act passed in 1977 cannot lead to the creation of a housing bubble in the early 21st century. Nevertheless, the CRA was not a static piece of legislation. The act evolved over the years, as it was mentioned earlier in the introduction. To be more specific, it was more and more enforced over the years. As a conclusion it can be said that the enforcement of the CRA might have been crucial in creating the housing bubble.Therefore the act could have created a housing bubble in th e early 21st century (Carney, 2009a). However, Aalbers (2009) also argues in favor of the CRA and tries to falsify the hypothesis. He states that the majority of subprime loans in 2006 were provided by non-bank lenders. These non-bank lenders, however, were not subject to CRA regulations and thus were not obliged to provide affordable loans to low-income classes. The only logical conclusion that can be drawn from this information is that these loans to low-income classes were an attractive investment.Thus, Aalbers says, the CRA was not the cause of the high-risk mortgages providence to low-income households by banks. By clearly, Aalbers would reject the hypothesis that the CRA was a cause of the financial bubble. Nonetheless, his argumentation has to be questioned. In 1977 most of the loans and mortgages were provided by banks as well as savings and loan associations. The extra mortgages that were provided as a result of the CRA probably increased the demand for houses, which in tur n resulted in an inflation of housing prices.Several years later, due to rising housing prices, subprime mortgages became a more attractive investment for financial institutions. Consequently, the majority of loans issued since the inception of the CRA came from nonbanks that deemed mortgages a good investment. In other words, the CRA created major lending opportunities for financial institutions (Kroszner, 2009). Since the CRA initiated the inflation of housing prices to some extent, it can be argued that the CRA can be hold partly responsible for the creation of the housing bubble. This theory should verify the hypothesis. This argumentation has to be investigated further.As Foote et al. ’s (2008) research concludes, housing price data in Massachusetts reveals that around 70% of all homes lost to foreclosure were actually purchased with prime mortgages. From that information Aalbers (2009) derives that most loans were not used for directly financing new homes, but rather re financing existing loans. Hence, Aalbers insinuates that the extra mortgage lending as a result of the CRA did not cause a rise in housing prices. That information implies that the CRA was not a cause of the creation or inflation of the United States housing bubble. Clearly, this would reject the hypothesis.Nonetheless, Aalbers’ argumentation contains two pitfalls. First, his argumentation solely rests on inductive reasoning. Massachusetts is just one small part of the United States of America. Without any supportive data to back up the thesis that the Massachusetts housing market is representative of the whole nation’s housing market, it has to be concluded that Aalbers overgeneralizes the statistical data provided by Foote et al. As Babbie (2005) mentions, overgeneralization can lead to misdirection or rendering of inquiry. Due to this fact Aalbers’ argumentation is questionable. Second, even if the study of Foote et al. 2008) were representative, Aalbers fail ed to acknowledge the other side of the medal: The supply side, as it is not in favor of his opinion. If the CRA-related loans were used to refinance homes only, it would strongly affect the supply side of the housing market in the way that supply was artificially lowered. Homes were occupied that otherwise would not have been, driving up the prices of real estate. Aalbers falls victim to the fallacy of selective observation. He only looks at the effects of the CRA on the demand-side. Looking at the supply-side would not support his theory and point of view on the topic.That makes this observation a selective one. Empirical cycle This debate fits in the empirical cycle in the way that it started with an observation: The burst of the housing bubble. Consequentially different hypotheses and theories where formulated and tested by reasoning and correlation. As markets nowadays are very complex phenomena, it is difficult to establish a causal relationship between several factors of this system. In spite of that it is possible to use logical reasoning and correlation between these factors to hint at the correctness of a thesis. For example, it can be investigated how many subprime loans were CRA-related.A different question that can be posed is how these CRA-related subprime loans performed against other loans (Kroszner, 2009). The answers to these questions could give an idea of the causal relation between the CRA and the financial crisis. After testing the hypothesis, a new hypothesis and theory might be formulated until a conclusive theory is found. Nevertheless, Kroszner himself admitted the existence of a lack of data to get conclusive answers to the previously mentioned questions. For the empirical cycle, this lack of data means it is very hard to reject or not reject theses, obstructing the formulation of new theses and theories.Other concepts of Babbie, Gravetter and Forzano applied The empirical cycle is not the only concept of Babbie (2005), Gravetter and Forzano (2009) which can be applied to the examples. Another concept that can be applied apart from the empirical cycle is the concept of authority. Carney (2009a), who was mentioned earlier in this paper, started out as a strong defendant of the CRA. He did change his mind though, relying on, among others, the FED Governor Meyer. Since Carney used a quotation of Meyer, it can be concluded that Meyer is a person with authority and strong references in the field of economics.Babbie, Gravetter and Forzano define authority as a person with strong references in certain fields. Authority is used as a source for knowledge and can be referred to. Gravetter and Forzano (2009, p. 11) define rationalism as the search for â€Å"answers by the use of logical reasoning†. This is exactly what Carney (2009b) does to come to the conclusion that the CRA was a cause of the financial crisis. He reasons that the CRA raised the banks’ incentives to provide low-income households with mortg ages. These financial products are now seen as a cause of the housing bubble, which caused the financial crisis.Therefore, Carney concludes, the CRA is a cause of the financial crisis. Theory is described by Babbie (2005, p. 12) â€Å"as a systematic explanation for the observations that relates to a particular aspect of life†. This implies that the argumentations used by Carney (2009a, b), Aalbers (2009) and Kroszner (2009) are parts of different theories as they explain how the CRA caused or did not cause a housing bubble. Conclusion As shown in this paper, there is a huge debate about whether the CRA was a cause of the financial crisis. As Carney (2009b) pointed out, the CRA raised the banks’ incentives to issue risky loans.Critics, however, state that an act passed in 1977 cannot create a housing bubble in the early 21st century. Nevertheless, the act was enforced several times, which implies that an enforcement of the CRA might have a causal relation with the fina ncial crisis. Aalbers (2009) argues also in favor of the CRA: he points out that most subprime mortgages were provided by non-CRA-related institutions. Despite that fact, Kroszner (2009) says there is no reason to believe CRA is not to be blamed. He mentions that the inception of the act increased the demand for mortgages and consequentially, houses.According to Kroszner, this was the start of the housing bubbles. Aalbers on his turn argues that the vast majority of houses bought in Massachusetts was financed with prime mortgages. He concludes that this provides evidence in order for the CRA not be labeled a cause of the crisis. Nonetheless, Aalbers argumentation contains two fallacies. First, he uses inductive reasoning which results in overgeneralization without supportive data. Second, he uses selective observation by ignoring the supply-side of the market. This whole debate fits in the empirical cycle in a way that it started with an observation which was followed by many theses .After the formulation of these theses they were tested by logical reasoning and correlation. As a final step, new theses theories will be formulated. However, this step is obstructed heavily by a lack of data. Other concepts of Babbie (2005), Gravetter and Forzano (2009) can also be applied to the examples. Meyer has authority in Carney’s argumentation, logical reasoning is used by Carney to come to the conclusion that the CRA was a cause of the crisis and the argumentations used by Carney, Aalbers and Kroszner are all parts of theories, described by Babbie, Gravetter and Forzano.References Aalbers, M. (2009). Why the Community Reinvestment Act cannot be blamed for the subprime crisis. City & Community, 8 (3): 346-350. Babbie, E. (2005). The Basics of Social Research (3rd ed. ). Belmont: Thomson Wads worth. Braunstein, S. (2008). The Community Reinvestment Act, 13 February 2008. Retrieved 20 January 2010 from: http://www. federalreserve. gov/newsevents/testimony/braunste in20080213a. htm Carney, J. (2009a). Here’s how the Community Reinvestment Act led to the housing bubble’s lax lending, June 27, 2009. Retrieved 15 January, 2010 from ttp://www. businessinsider. com/the-cra-debate-a-users-guide-2009-6 Carney, J. (2009b). Sorry, folks, the CRA really did require crap lending standards, June 23, 2009. Retrieved 15 January, 2010 from http://www. businessinsider. com/sorry-folks-the-cra-really-did-require-crap-lending-standards-2009-6 FFIEC, (n. d. ). Community Reinvestment Act. Retrieved 20 January 2010 from: http://www. ffiec. gov/CRA/ Foote, C. , Gerardi, K. , Goette, L. & Willen, P. , (2008). Journal of Housing Economics, 17: 291-305. Retrieved 19 January 2010 from: http://www. sciencedirect. om/science? _ob=MImg&_imagekey=B6WJR-4TN0KW9-1-N&_cdi=6885&_user=499911&_orig=search&_coverDate=12%2F31%2F2008&_sk=999829995&view=c&wchp=dGLbVtb-zSkzk&md5=f93e4616adcb03662bac8ef89298dcdc&ie=/sdarticle. pdf Gravetter, F. & Forzano, L. (2009). Research Methods for the Behavioral Sciences (3rd ed. ). Belmont: Wadsworth Cengage Learning. Kroszner, R. (2009). The Community Reinvestment Act and the recent mortgage crisis. Retrieved 15 January, 2010 from http://www. frbsf. org/publications/community/cra/cra_recent_mortgage_crisis. pdf

buy custom Civil Rights essay

buy custom Civil Rights essay The concept of privacy in the current world is a product of many happenings throughout the years. The basic concept, however, should be based on the countrys constitution. For example in the united states, there are many occasions that people have defended their right to privacy using the term their constitutional right sometimes they might get it right, and other times their context may be wrong. The issue that people do see at first is that the constitution was written a long time ago and so cannot relate to some circumstances. Things like current marriage debates; for instance, homosexuality and privacy in todays technology settings will be in a grey area. In todays debate on privacy, certain issues come to the fore like journalism and its limits. Who gives a journalist the right to have intimate details on a persons sex life? The question was posted in an issue of the moral maze during a debate on the limits of privacy. They actually do not have the right to do so but the person in question cannot stop them from publicizing it unless they obtained the information through illegal means. The other issue, which took a large amount of space in the privacy debate, about photos in public places. An excellent example is the Princess Caroline case, where the court fortunately advocated in favor of privacy that the evidence was not orthodox in nature. At the same time, social sites have become another hot topic in the world of the privacy debate (ONeil, 2008). For one, social advertising companies are campaigning for the release of private individuals on Facebook and putting their information for public display in the name of advertising such as their friends and profile information. Buy custom Civil Rights essay